The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at age 84, was considered one of the most influential occupants of that position in American history. While many vice-presidents had to settle for peripheral or figurehead functions, Cheney wielded huge power during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was frequently called as the "true president".
Bush resented this portrayal and said the connection was more complex. He noted that Cheney was courteous, invariably addressing him in public settings as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their association as a partnership because it indicated that they were on equal footing. Regardless of these objections, Cheney found the laidback president accommodating on a wide array of administrative determinations.
The Period Following the Attacks
At the head of a faction of neo-cons that encompassed defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in response to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a session at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush traveled to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, commanding the downing of any unresponsive aircraft nearing the government building.
Cheney said the strikes transformed him, causing him to be intent on retribution. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Actions
He showed no remorse about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the waterboarding of suspects captured after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on faulty intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the right decision. "It proved to be the correct action to do then. I had faith back then and I maintain that stance now."
But even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a top tier about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the government's own delegates to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I saw, at the very least," he wrote later "true dereliction, carelessness, and recklessness: in the worst case, deception, unfitness, and corruption."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not completely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had written a memo setting out circumstances in which US concerns might be threatened (featuring "obtaining essential resources, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the US should be prepared to act independently when collective action cannot be arranged," particularly referencing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had arrived in the presidency vaguely intent on carrying out what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. After he had been dismissed by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his intention of reducing America's participation in the regional tensions and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been involved in a conspiracy to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also resented that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a ground design with a likeness of his father's countenance that all visitors had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken behind invading Iraq, frequently citing information documents that were both weak or completely misleading. He backed what the Bush White House politely called as "advanced techniques", the use of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate report in 2014 that determined that no useful information had been obtained through the torture, Cheney dismissed the conclusions as "full of crap". He informed Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to take steps and establish procedures to catch the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it never happened again. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
Public Image
Cheney took pleasure in labels given to him by opponents such as the dark character and The Prince of Darkness, and by the concept that he was a dark force controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Am I the evil genius in the corner that operates invisibly emerge from his hole? It's a nice way to work, actually."
Corporate Connections
Controversy over his corporate affiliations followed him during his tenure as vice-president. Although he had little experience in corporate affairs but established relationships in defence, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as chairman and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's VP candidate for the White House. Debatably, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was granted US deals valued at billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his time at the corporation rose from his $258,394 when he was defence secretary to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a package valued at in excess of $20m|twenty
